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For decades, expert consensus has been quietly working to exclude politicians from digital policy regulation—a libertarian attitude that distrusts the state’s heavy-handed approach but welcomes technocratic levity. The argument is that this prevents “politicization” and ensures policy continuity throughout the electoral cycle. It is now clear that this stance is not only unsustainable but also anti-democratic. Over the past five years, widespread digitalization has transformed technology into a medium of power and access. Online platforms, smartphones, telecom networks and data centers are part of the lives of ordinary Indians. As the general election approaches, what can political parties offer voters in their manifestos?
Five years ago, when Indians went to the polls, technology was just an afterthought. Except for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Indian National Congress (INC), few political parties have paid much attention to or commented on this. The BJP emphasizes technology as a catalyst for economic and social goals, including enhancing the delivery of rights and increasing farm incomes, but limits its comments on digitalization to promoting connectivity in panchayats.
In contrast, the INC outlines more ambitious digital rights reforms, addressing access, freedom of expression and privacy issues in dedicated chapters. Apart from this, five political parties stand out: All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) and Communist Party of India (Marxist) support surveillance law reform; Dravida Munnetra Kazagam (DMK) vows to curb obscene content on social media; Aam Aadmi The Samajwadi Party (AAP) supports expanding the use of CCTV; the Samajwadi Party (SP) aims to accelerate the NATGRID mass surveillance programme. If the manifestos of 2019 are any measure, the articulation of how digital technology affects our political thinking and campaigning today is meager.
According to the latest data from TRAI, as of December 31, 2023, the number of broadband subscribers in India was 904.54 million. India also has one of the lowest data rates in the world. While the BJP may see this as a victory for its “Digital India” policy, other parties need to highlight the unfairness and uneven distribution of growth. It is mainly concentrated in urban, male, and high-income groups, and most people still do not have access to the Internet. They may also address sluggish growth in broadband connections and smartphone sales over the past year, or suboptimal delivery of BharatNet and the federal government’s PM-WANI program. This can provide the basis for proposals to advance social justice through digitalization and technology. Here, while state elections, particularly in Rajasthan and Kerala, have seen the promise and delivery of smartphone and mobile internet schemes, the political discussion around the issue remains underdeveloped. So far, politicians of all stripes have failed to address the need for universal connectivity as a catalyst for social and economic mobility among poor metropolitan and semi-urban voters.
The provision of broadband connections is inextricably linked to the state’s forceful deprivation of it. Despite the enactment of the Telecommunications Act 2023, there have been few changes to the regulation of network shutdowns. Over the past five years, authorities have exercised this power over Jammu and Kashmir, Manipur and Rajasthan. Most of the orders are for mobile internet access, which has a significant impact on millions of low-income Indians who rely on smartphones rather than wired desktop computers. This situation requires the distillation of intensive policy debates into mainstream discourse and the careful balancing of state power and irrational national security claims. Beyond internet access, cutting-edge issues are also up for public discussion: forced digitization of public and welfare services; use of free and open-source software; mass surveillance of citizens; online fear, abuse and hate speech against women and minorities; Data breaches, predatory lending apps and cyber theft; and the hoarding of personal data through technology platforms.
Many may question the importance of digital technology in party manifestos and express doubts about the Indian electorate. In a political landscape dominated by caste, religion, ideology and the personality of the prime minister, the prospect of voters prioritizing lofty policy promises seems remote. However, a Center for Social and Economic Progress (CSEP) report on public health last year found that while voters considered public health less important than employment, at the same time, “a majority of voters said the availability of medical facilities affected their health.” Voting choice to some extent.” Likewise, technologies critical to employment, health, and modern life are becoming increasingly important.
Currently, Indian voters do not even have a choice on the issue, leaving aside issues of trust or the ability of a party to implement its manifesto once it comes to power.
The lack of political parties is reflected in the lack of voters. It contributes to a vicious cycle that disconnects the development of digital society from its democratic representation. Therefore, while wider attacks occur through digital technologies such as spyware and censorship, protests remain limited to digital rights activists, journalists and human rights defenders. While no party will win the next election on the strength of its technological promises, now is a good time for them to offer an alternative digital vision.
The author is a lawyer practicing in Delhi
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